Analysts have predicted an uncontested election for the head of Chechnya.

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There will be no real political competition in the upcoming elections for the head of Chechnya; the participation of Khalid Nakaev and Ismail Denilkhanov is needed to demonstrate a formal alternative to the current head, Ramzan Kadyrov.

As reported by "Caucasian Knot", on July 8, the head of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov, visited the republic's electoral commission, submitting documents for participation in the elections on the unified voting day of September 20. He received permission to open a special electoral account. The next day, the Chechen electoral commission accepted documents from two other candidates for the position of head of the region - the chairman of the Public Chamber of Chechnya, Ismail Denilkhanov, and a deputy of the republican parliament, Khalid Nakaev.

The upcoming elections for the head of Chechnya were commented on August 27 by a correspondent for "Caucasian Knot", blogger Tumso Abdurakhmanov, an anonymous producer and director from Chechnya, and a political scientist, candidate of political sciences, associate professor at Chechen State University, who also provided comments anonymously.

Denilkhanov and Nakaev are considered technical candidates, whose function is solely to have their names on the ballot, believes Chechen blogger Tumso Abdurakhmanov*.

"They don't even need to pretend to have a real struggle with Kadyrov or conduct a full-fledged election campaign," he said.

Both are ordinary representatives of Kadyrov's team, tasked with playing the role of technical candidates.

Neither Denilkhanov nor Nakaev are well-known politicians in Chechnya and do not represent opposition to Kadyrov, Abdurakhmanov believes. According to him, both are representatives of the head of Chechnya's team. "Both are ordinary representatives of Kadyrov's team, tasked with playing the role of technical candidates," he stated.

A similar assessment was given by a Chechen producer and director. "Definitely - they are technical candidates, fully understanding that without a 'choice' the elections are invalid. And they are presenting exactly those who were approved by the KRA. There are no options here. And the funniest thing is - people understand this, laugh, and ask: 'Why this fiction?'" she said.

Unwanted people are blocked here.

The interlocutor did not closely follow the political activities of Denilkhanov and Nakaev, but is convinced that both belong to the team and supporters of the Chechen leadership. In her opinion, otherwise they would not be able to hold their positions and be present in the republican information field. "Unwanted people are blocked here. And even if a journalist, unknowingly, takes an interview, you can be sure - it won't air. Proven," she claims.

The political scientist gave a more cautious assessment. He noted that "technical candidate" is not a legal concept and not an official status, but a political and journalistic term. "Usually, this term refers to a person who is registered as a candidate, but the real victory is not the goal of their participation. Such a candidate can perform various functions: create the appearance of a competitive campaign, ensure the presence of several names on the ballot, represent a systemic party, participate in debates, or solve other organizational tasks. Unlike a spoiler, their task is not necessarily to siphon votes from a specific competitor," he explained.

To determine whether a candidate is technical, he said, one should assess a combination of signs: whether they conduct an independent campaign, whether they try to win, whether they criticize the favorite, whether they propose an alternative program, whether they mobilize their own electorate, and whether they have their own team and resources. Individual signs, he noted, indicating that a candidate is "technical" include that "their participation is coordinated with a stronger candidate or the authorities."

At the same time, the political scientist assesses the actual competitiveness of the current elections as extremely low. He pointed to "the huge gap in the results of the previous campaign, the lack of noticeable competition for Kadyrov's electorate and public confrontation with him, as well as Nakaev's repeated nomination after the result of 0.12% in 2021."

Formally, the elections for the head of Chechnya are competitive - there are three candidates on the ballot.

"Formally, the elections for the head of Chechnya are competitive - there are three candidates on the ballot. However, the results of previous campaigns and the public activities of Kadyrov's current opponents do not indicate the existence of real power struggles among them. The participation of candidates from parliamentary parties at least provides the necessary external alternative for voting," the interlocutor believes.

Nakaev received 44 times fewer votes in 2021 than the CPRF.

For Khalid Nakaev, the current campaign is his second attempt to be elected head of Chechnya. In 2021, he also represented the CPRF and came in last among three candidates.

For Kadyrov, according to official results, 711,973 people voted - 99.70%. The candidate from "Fair Russia" Isa Khadzhimuradov received 1,064 votes or 0.15%, while Nakaev received 835 votes or 0.12%.

At the same time, elections to the Chechen parliament were held in the republic. The CPRF received 36,828 votes - 5.16%, allowing the party to obtain two out of 41 seats in the republican parliament. "Fair Russia" received 39,884 votes or 5.59%, also securing two mandates. "United Russia" took 37 seats.

The number of votes for the CPRF was more than 44 times higher than the number of votes for the candidate nominated by the same party for the head of the republic.

Elections in Chechnya should not be perceived as a real electoral process at all.

Tumso Abdurakhmanov* explains this gap by stating that he does not consider the published results to reflect the real will of the voters. "Elections in Chechnya should not be perceived as a real electoral process at all. This is a farce. Any figures that are subsequently announced to us are predetermined indicators, having nothing to do with the real will of the population," he said.

The director also does not consider the gap between the results of the party and its candidate to be evidence of differences in real electoral support. "Such a gap is explained by the fact that they will receive exactly as many mandates as they are allowed, and not one more. And voting for the head is even clearer. Votes are cast by relatives, so there are no zeros," she believes.

At the same time, the interlocutor emphasized that, according to her observations, there is real support for Kadyrov in Chechnya today. According to her, even some critically minded residents of the republic ask the question of who else they could vote for and note the results of his work. "Today, people really vote for the KRA. This is a fact. Even those who are against note: 'But who else?" He does what no one else has done. This is especially enhanced by the help to the needy, which is really there, it must be acknowledged," she said.

The political scientist noted that "the gap between the results of Nakaev and the CPRF raises the question of whether the candidate attempted to mobilize even his own party electorate."

Nakaev publicly supported Kadyrov's policies.

Nakaev was born in 1969 in Achkhoy-Martan. In 1992, he graduated from the Grozny Oil Institute with a degree in "Industrial and Civil Construction." He worked as an economist, headed a postal communication branch, then moved to the administration of the Achkhoy-Martan district, where he rose from leading engineer to deputy head. Since 2012, he has held the position of deputy head of the Sunzha district administration, and in 2016 he was elected a deputy of the Chechen parliament from the CPRF, according to the politician's biography published on the parliament's website.

Nakaev is the first secretary of the Chechen branch of the CPRF. However, in his public speeches in recent years, there is no principled criticism of the current head of the republic.

At the reporting and election conference of the Chechen branch of the CPRF, Nakaev positively assessed the socio-economic indicators of Chechnya and linked them to the policies of the current leadership. As reported by the official website of the CPRF, the politician stated that these results would have been impossible without the "targeted, well-structured policy" of Ramzan Kadyrov and the government of the republic.

In another speech, Nakaev spoke about the participation of Chechen residents in the special military operation "with the support" of Kadyrov. These words were also published on the official website of the CPRF.

The associate professor of Chechen State University called this a telling contrast between the political line of the federal CPRF and its Chechen branch. "The federal CPRF regularly opposes the initiatives of "United Russia", while its Chechen branch shows almost no public opposition to Kadyrov," he noted.

I do not know Nakaev as a politician at all, let alone as an opposition politician.

Tumso Abdurakhmanov* stated that he is not aware of any cases of real disagreements between Nakaev and Kadyrov or the deputy's speeches against significant initiatives of the republican authorities. "I do not know Nakaev as a politician at all, let alone as an opposition politician. I cannot recall a single notable information occasion related to his political activity," Abdurakhmanov said.

According to the anonymous director, Nakaev belongs to the teip Chartoy. She noted that his representatives live in different districts of Chechnya. Initially, the interlocutor suggested that part of the 835 votes received by Nakaev in 2021 could belong to his relatives and close ones. However, she did not link this result directly to the candidate's teip affiliation. "I don't think he was voted for based on teip affiliation. These votes are purely relatives, work, party, as they say: the party said 'need' - they responded 'yes'. That's all," she said.

The candidate heads the Public Chamber of Chechnya, which prepares observers.

Kadyrov's second opponent, Ismail Denilkhanov, represents "Fair Russia - For Truth." Unlike Nakaev, he is participating in the elections for the head of Chechnya for the first time, but he is not a political novice.

Denilkhanov was born in 1978. He is an Arabist and Orientalist, candidate of historical sciences, honored artist of Chechnya, chairman of the regional branch of the Union of Artists of Russia, and chairman of the Public Chamber of Chechnya. In 2025, he defended his dissertation on domestic history on the impact of the capitalist system on the traditional society of Chechnya in the second half of the 19th - early 20th century.

Denilkhanov is indeed known as an artist, and his creative activity is not limited to formal membership in a professional association. From February 20 to April 5, 2026, his personal exhibition "Eternal Meanings. Modern Arab-Muslim Calligraphy of Ismail Denilkhanov" was held at the State Museum of the East in Moscow. It included about 40 works in the technique of digital art (digital art - note from "Caucasian Knot"). Denilkhanov himself called the exhibition an important milestone in his creative career at the opening, according to a publication on the museum's website.

As a public figure, Denilkhanov has repeatedly held positions that coincide with the position of the Chechen leadership.

In December 2021, after the speech of director Alexander Sokurov at a meeting of the presidential Council for Human Rights, Denilkhanov called his statements "anti-state" and reported that the Public Chamber of Chechnya would appeal to the Investigative Committee for a legal assessment, as reported by the Chechen State Television and Radio Company "Grozny".

Tumso Abdurakhmanov* stated that he does not know Denilkhanov as a notable political figure and could not recall instances of his political criticism of the Chechen leadership. "I know nothing about Denilkhanov's political activity either, and I cannot recall a single notable information occasion related to his political activity," he said.

He is weak for a real political opponent.

The anonymous Chechen director also does not consider Denilkhanov a real political opponent of Kadyrov. "For a real political opponent, he is weak. Criticism of the leadership of the republic? This is from the realm of fantasy. It may happen if he is given instructions to create the illusion of the possibility of criticizing the authorities. Otherwise - no," she believes.

The Chechen political scientist gave a more cautious assessment. According to him, Denilkhanov is not a random person who appeared just before the elections, as he "has political experience, was a deputy, participated in previous campaigns, and has his own public career." Therefore, "his nomination cannot be presented as the emergence of an unknown candidate solely to fill the ballot." "But at the same time, his previous public activity does not demonstrate political confrontation with Kadyrov. Therefore, the question remains the same: what alternative to the policy of the current head does Denilkhanov offer and how does he intend to defeat him," the political scientist noted.

At the same time, Denilkhanov heads the Public Chamber of Chechnya - a structure that is directly involved in preparing public observation for the elections. On August 5, the Public Chamber of the Chechen Republic reported the successful completion of a series of events to prepare public observers for the elections on the Unified Voting Day of September 20, 2026, as stated in a publication on the chamber's website.

The published information does not indicate that Denilkhanov personally continues to lead the preparation of observers after being registered as a candidate. The person responsible for organizing the preparation of public observers in the same publication from August 5 is named as the head of the Public Chamber's apparatus, Shamakhan Gairbekov.

Opposition parties hold four mandates in the Chechen parliament.

The CPRF and "Fair Russia" are represented in the Chechen parliament. Following the 2021 elections, each received two deputy seats against 37 for "United Russia".

The Chechen branch of the CPRF cannot be called existing only on paper. According to the party's own data, by 2024 it had 3,390 members compared to 2,712 at the beginning of 2021. The regional branch reported hundreds of meetings with residents and addressed requests. However, the presence of party structures and deputy mandates does not in itself imply the ability to influence political decision-making, the political scientist noted.

There have been no major campaigns against the head's initiatives, conflicts over the budget, demonstrative voting against key bills, or attempts to block the authorities' decisions.

The political scientist could not find notable examples of principled public opposition from the Chechen factions of the CPRF or "Fair Russia" against Kadyrov or the republican "United Russia". "There have been no major campaigns against the head's initiatives, conflicts over the budget, demonstrative voting against key bills, or attempts to block the authorities' decisions," he noted.

"This does not prove that deputies have never voted otherwise: for such a categorical conclusion, it is necessary to raise the named protocols of all parliamentary sessions. But if the question is about politically notable conflicts, they are practically not visible in the open public agenda," the political scientist emphasized.

"Fair Russia" also conducts its own party activities and has its own program, in particular, in May 2026, the party publicly discussed its election program. However, the political scientist could not find a major regional campaign of the Chechen branch of the party directed specifically against Kadyrov's policies. "The CPRF and "Fair Russia" formally form a parliamentary minority, but they only hold four out of 41 mandates between them and cannot influence parliamentary decisions without the support of "United Russia". Notable political campaigns of the two factions against key initiatives of Kadyrov or the republican authorities are also not found in open sources," he said.

I am not aware of any bill or principled issue on which representatives of these parties would have come into conflict with the ruling party.

Tumso Abdurakhmanov* considers the opposition parties represented in the regional parliament to be just as technical. "Any opposition parties represented in the regional parliament of Chechnya are as technical as the candidates from these parties for the head of the republic. I am not aware of any bill or principled issue on which representatives of these parties would have come into conflict with the ruling party," he stated.

The anonymous interlocutor also believes that the CPRF and "Fair Russia" have no real political influence in Chechnya. "These parties definitely do not have real influence. This is a demonstrative picture of 'type multi-partyism' and the possibility of choice. We know that "United Russia" rules everywhere. And all candidates and deputies are already known in advance, by name," she stated.

The participation of Nakaev and Denilkhanov was considered a formality by analysts.

Previous elections show an extremely limited scale of electoral competition. In 2016, each of Kadyrov's three opponents received less than 1% of the votes. In 2021, Kadyrov's result, according to official data, rose to 99.70%, while his two opponents received a total of 1,899 votes.

The political scientist believes that from a factual point of view, the participation of Kadyrov's opponents is more accurately characterized as ensuring formal alternatives in the elections, rather than as a means of legitimizing the current head. The assertion that legitimization is the goal of their participation, he said, requires evidence of coordination of candidates with the authorities or corresponding political assessment.

At the same time, he pointed to a number of signs that allow one to speak of the predominantly procedural function of such candidates: "This is a huge gap in results, the absence of noticeable competition for Kadyrov's electorate, the absence of public confrontation with him, and Nakaev's repeated nomination after the result of 0.12%."

First of all, alternative candidates are needed for the electoral procedure itself and to demonstrate the existence of choice.

"First of all, alternative candidates are needed for the electoral procedure itself and to demonstrate the existence of choice. Russian legislation does not require that the opponents of the current governor have comparable support, but the presence of several candidates allows elections to be conducted as competitive voting, rather than a referendum on trust in one person," he said.

Abdurakhmanov* links the participation of alternative candidates primarily with the need to formally comply with the established electoral procedure. "Yes, this is, of course, just a formal compliance with the established procedure," he concluded.

The anonymous Chechen producer and director also considers the participation of Kadyrov's opponents to be an exclusively procedural formality. "Procedural form and nothing more. I don't understand at all why these 'elections' or why to spend such money on them? The result is known in advance. That is why I do not vote," she concluded.

*By the decision of the Ministry of Justice of Russia, the individual has been entered into the Register of foreign agents.

** The activities of the company Meta (owner of Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp) are banned in Russia.