Analysts considered the nationalization of the Pokrovsky concern to be only a step in the redistribution of the agro-cluster in southern Russia.

The Pokrovsky concern, having lost its patrons among the security forces, was nationalized, but the state was only a temporary holder of the asset. Meanwhile, the influence of people somehow connected to the Tsapkov gang, whose lands, including those in Pokrovsky, ended up on agribusiness in southern Russia, diminished but did not disappear completely.

As reported by the "Caucasian Knot," in early April, the Pervomaisky District Court of Rostov-on-Don extended by six months the pretrial detention of Sergei Shpak, former head of the Rostov-on-Don Ministry of Internal Affairs, accused of bribery, fraud, and illegal circulation of payment instruments. During the court hearing, he filed a motion to be sent to the SVO. The investigation also stated that Shpak demanded bribes from the Pokrovsky concern for protection. Shpak pleaded not guilty during a court hearing in the Pervomaisky District Court of Rostov-on-Don.

The nationalization of the Pokrovsky concern became possible after the destruction of the patronage system

The corruption scheme involving the former head of the Rostov-on-Don Department of Internal Affairs, Sergei Shpak, who, according to investigators, demanded bribes from the Pokrovsky concern for patronage, is not an isolated incident, but part of a broader system, believes Rostov political scientist Dmitry Abrosimov.

"We are talking about a scheme in which law enforcement agencies and regulatory bodies received money for 'protecting' an agricultural concern built on dubious deals, fines, and the lack of adequate oversight by the prosecutor's office and the FSB. “I don’t rule out that the nationalization of the Pokrovsky concern became possible precisely after its beneficiaries lost a reliable system of security protection and came under pressure from investigators and the prosecutor’s office,” he told a “Caucasian Knot” correspondent.

According to him, the state needs Pokrovsky as a tool for control over a large agricultural cluster.

“Currently, Pokrovsky functions as a de facto state-owned enterprise.” agro-concern after a court decision transferred the ownership of agricultural enterprises, sugar factories, meat processing plants, construction and electrical engineering firms to the Federal Property Management Agency. "From the state's perspective, Pokrovsky is needed as a tool for controlling a large agricultural cluster, as well as a source for future privatization, which will bring money into the budget," he explained.

In Kuban and the Rostov region, Tsapkov's structures as such no longer operate as an organized gang, but through third parties, they still hold land and farms that are effectively theirs.

Another Rostov political scientist, Bronislav Berkovsky, notes that after the liquidation of Tsapkov's formal gang and the arrests of its members, the courts and bailiffs managed to seize some of the assets, but not all.

"In Kuban and the Rostov region, Tsapkov's structures as such no longer operate as an organized gang, but through third parties, they still hold land and farms that are effectively theirs. "At the same time, their influence on agricultural business has fallen to a minimum," he told a "Caucasian Knot" correspondent.

Commenting on the case of former Rostov-on-Don police chief Sergei Shpak, politician and former Yeysk deputy Alexander Korovayny* notes that large businesses in today's Russian reality are practically unable to function without a system of security and administrative patronage.

"In our system, officials at various levels—from the police and prosecutor's office to regional administrations—seek their share of the profits of large, and sometimes medium-sized, businesses. It's clear that Pokrovsky enjoyed such protection for a long time. While payments were being made, the concern's business was not just normal, but excellent. "I have no doubt that Shpak could have acted as one of the patrons, receiving illegal compensation for it," he told the Caucasian Knot.

According to Korovayny*, the period of active expansion of the concern's land bank would not have been possible without the "goodwill" of the regulatory authorities.

"We saw how successfully Pokrovsky acquired land. It worked according to the same scheme as other agricultural complexes in the region: the loyalty of the authorities for a certain bribe. For a while, the concern cultivated the image of a socially significant enterprise, sponsoring events, but then its direction changed. It was likely decided that this profitable asset should belong to other people," the expert explained.

Korovayny* drew parallels between the situation around Pokrovsky and other high-profile cases of property redistribution in the country, calling criminal prosecution a tool of pressure.

"If the owner refuses to sell the business for a pittance, criminal cases arise. Now, against the backdrop of a shrinking overall 'economic pie,' such cases have become more frequent. Formal nationalization often becomes only an interim stage before the transfer of assets to the rightful people with ties to the government," notes Korovayny*.

Regarding the future of Pokrovsky, he expressed doubt that the state plans long-term management of these assets.

"Obviously, no one will leave these enterprises in state ownership. Nationalization will be followed by resale. However, due to the risk that any asset could be 'squeezed' again, the value of such transactions is usually greatly underestimated. "This entire process of property redistribution is interfering with the normal operation of businesses and creating an atmosphere of uncertainty," Korovayny* concluded.

An atmosphere of fear persists in Kushchevskaya

A local public figure, who wished to remain anonymous, told a "Caucasian Knot" correspondent about the current state of affairs in the village of Kushchevskaya.

Entrepreneurs avoid conflicts with people from the gang's former entourage, understanding that they still have connections in the security forces.

"The atmosphere of fear in Kushchevskaya has not completely disappeared, although open terror has ceased. Some pardoned gang members have returned to the village or are living in neighboring areas. Local residents privately say they're afraid to raise the Tsapkov issue publicly, "who knows who might hear." Entrepreneurs avoid conflicts with members of the gang's former circle, knowing they still have connections in the security forces. After the events of 2010, the authorities tried to reverse the situation and replaced the local administration, increased police presence, and held show trials. But systemic problems such as corruption, the fusion of business and government, and the impunity of the powerful remain. Young people are leaving the village, seeing no prospects; the older generation lives with the feeling that everything could come back," he said.

According to him, this is also facilitated by the fact that the Tsapok family managed to retain some assets.

"Some of the assets accumulated by the Tsapok gang were formally transferred to relatives and trusted individuals who were not convicted or received lenient sentences. Their family has lost its former influence, but still controls land, agricultural firms, and retail outlets in Kushchevskaya and surrounding areas, worth hundreds of millions of rubles. Their influence over agricultural businesses in the Rostov Region and Kuban has diminished, but not completely disappeared. In Kushchevskaya itself, their influence remains noticeable: local entrepreneurs are still afraid to confront people associated with the Tsapki family, fearing pressure or problems with the security forces. However, federal attention to the region forces them to act more cautiously, and therefore there are no longer any high-profile raids or outright banditry," he said.

Bronislav Berkovsky confirmed that the return of individual gang members to the village is causing tension and concern among some residents.

"The village is officially declared a calm and agricultural region, but in reality, the issue of fear and mistrust of local authorities and law enforcement is still alive. The return of individual gang members to the village is causing tension and concern among some residents, although not as widespread as in the 2010s," he noted.

As a reminder, in 2018, former Rostov judge Svetlana Martynova was sentenced to seven years in prison for fraud involving the Tsapkov family's lands. In June 2021, Martynova, while in prison, announced her confession. She admitted to transferring five million rubles to judges of the Kushchevsky District Court for a ruling in the case of the alienation of more than five thousand hectares of land from Nadezhda Tsapko. The text of the confession indicates that she did this in 2011 at the request of the beneficiaries of the Pokrovsky concern. A company representative then alleged a smear campaign against the concern.

In April 2021, lawyers Genrikh Khachaturov, Vladislav Brazhnikov, and Alexander Voynalovich, who collaborate with the Pokrovsky concern, were detained, as well as Alexander Glazyrin, deputy director of Agrocomplex Kushchevsky LLC. The central office of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation has opened a criminal case against them for extortion, as well as bribery or coercion to testify.

In December 2025, a Moscow court found Sergei Echkalov, former head of the Pokrovsky concern's security service, guilty of extorting property from farmers in Kuban and the Rostov region and coercing them to give false testimony, and sentenced him to 16 years in prison.

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** Meta (owner of Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp) is banned in Russia.