The cases of Khanmurzaev and Kopaigorodsky became exceptions to the practice of escaping punishment for participation in the SVO.
The cases of Ullubiy Khanmurzaev and Alexey Kopaigorodsky, whose contracts with the Ministry of Defense failed to protect them from criminal prosecution, only highlight the common practice of sending officials accused of corruption to military operations.
As reported by "Caucasian Knot," a Makhachkala court remanded in custody Ullubiy Khanmurzaev, the former head of Dagestan's Buinaksk district, on suspicion of fraud. Earlier, the Buinaksk district administration announced the termination of Khanmurzaev's term as head of the district due to his "failure to fulfill his duties in resolving local issues" for more than three months. This decision was supported by 43 district council members. Khanmurzaev objected to the dismissal of contract soldiers stationed in the SVO zone, which is contrary to the Labor Code. He recalled that, upon leaving for the SVO, he delegated the duties of head of the district to his deputy. On January 19, Ullubiy Khanmurzaev was arrested on suspicion of corruption.
The court arrested former Sochi mayor Alexei Kopaigorodsky on charges of embezzling more than 3.7 million rubles, despite the fact that volunteer corps commander Denis Barilo filed a petition requesting that Kopaigorodsky be released under his supervision, stating that he had demonstrated a positive side in the special military operation zone in Ukraine and had been nominated for an award.
Former district assembly deputy Alexander Korovayny* is convinced that being sent to the SVO has become an informal way for officials to avoid criminal prosecution.
"Over the four years of military operations, there have been one or two deaths or serious injuries among officials. That is, they are essentially serving with the permission of their superiors, not in hot spots, so the losses are much lower than in any other units," he told the "Caucasian Knot."
According to the politician, such issues are resolved with approval from "above." "This issue is ultimately decided by the executive branch. As for Kopaigorodsky, he was Tkachev's protégé. At least, previously (influential representatives of the regional elite) tried to support him and replace Kondratyev, who didn't suit them. Perhaps this is the reason for the harsher treatment of Kopaigorodsky," he noted.
In his opinion, there must be serious reasons for refusing to send officials to the SVO. "In Khanmurzayev's case, there are certainly personal negative relations with the head of the republic. But I think this is an exception; most will, as before, quietly leave and receive a pardon," Korovayny concluded.
The deputies pointed out that Khanmurzayev did not notify the parliament of his decision when signing the contract with the Ministry of Defense. In his resolution, Dagestan Head Sergei Melikov supported the district assembly's initiative to terminate the head's powers. According to Chernovik, Khanmurzaev's resignation had been in the works since October 2025 and was initiated by Sergei Melikov himself. Economist and political scientist Sergei Zhavoronkov believes that sending officials to the SVO has become an informal way for officials to avoid criminal prosecution. "This is a fairly common occurrence among convicted officials. It's important to note that it's difficult to verify whether a convicted person was actually sent to the SVO or simply bought their way out of it by not going anywhere at all or by fictitiously taking a rear-echelon position," Zhavoronkov said.
At the same time, he believes that the decision to send officials facing criminal prosecution to the SVO is made on a case-by-case basis. "I don't think there's a centralized policy on this issue. Someone might be turned down if they want to punish him harshly. This is especially likely in Kopaigorodsky's case, as the award could be grounds for a review. For example, in 2025, former Vladivostok Mayor Gumenyuk, convicted of bribery, received an award at the SVO, after which the court overturned his 12-year prison sentence and lifted the seizure of significant real estate. Furthermore, in Krasnodar Krai, someone very influential is campaigning to replace Governor Kondratyev. There have been numerous arrests of high-ranking officials, including vice-governors. Apparently, the case of Kopaigorodsky, who was appointed mayor by Kondratyev, is part of this same pattern," noted Sergei Zhavoronkov.
A journalist from one of the Dagestani publications noted that the number of officials who have been prosecuted despite their intention to serve at the SVO has increased. "Even in Dagestan, Khanmurzaev is the second official of this kind; the first was Makhmud Amiraliev, head of the Karabudakhkent district. He was in the Special Military Operations (SVO), but was detained as part of a criminal case. However, initially, a military operation was a good way for an official who had committed crimes to avoid punishment and legal proceedings," said the journalist, who did not wish to publish his name. According to him, this is part of state policy. "Yes, this has been the practice since the first days of the SVO. There are loopholes specifically established in the law that allow for avoiding punishment. Therefore, this is, of course, part of a military-criminal practice, so to speak, aimed at preventing a personnel shortage in the SVO. Certain individuals, of course, depending on the need, can be recalled, arrested, and punished at any time," the source noted. He believes that Khanmurzaev's case is connected to a conflict with influential people. "These were high-ranking security officials from the federal center. Because of this, they decided to punish him. And Melikov simply decided not to stand up for him," the journalist put forward his theory.
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